Conclusion

The intense and often spectacular nature of terrorism can render it difficult to make sense of each incident beyond the immediate horror of the event. The pace and shocking violence of attacks on civilian targets and their consequences for human liberties provide valuable lessons in how both new and established media react. Each example demonstrates how different responses from politicians can shape both the minds of the electorate and a subsequent election.

As many of the experts I interviewed note, the aftershocks of terrorism are felt for years in both established and emerging democracies. While terrorism poses few direct challenges to the existence of a modern state, it does raise serious questions about how new security laws are written in their aftermath, the political atmosphere which allows them swift passage, and their effects on our civil liberties. In our hyper-connected world, the media seeks to act as a filter and narrator of each act of horror, holding those in power responsible where they are perceived to have failed. Governments see it as their duty to respond with new agencies and legislation in an effort to better protect their citizens. Failings occur when politicians and the media use public vulnerability to appear decisive or further a political agenda or to sensationalize in a quest for audience share.

There are considerable lessons to be drawn from the four cases analyzed above. As the aftermath of Madrid shows, a mismanaged and opaque response by an unpopular government eager to draw attention away from its role in Iraq led to the removal of its mandate. In the following years, as the economy has tightened, Spanish opinion has ossified into disillusionment with both mainstream politics and the established media. 

The US election of 2004 shows that the lack of a serious public debate about the legitimacy of the “War on Terror” served the interest of an incumbent but unpopular president. This took place despite misgivings over how the conflict in Iraq was being prosecuted. Twelve years later, Trump is also attempting to use the fear of terrorism, specifically ISIS, as a motivating tool for voters worried about security.

The atrocities committed in Mumbai saw an emergent powerhouse respond to violence in a manner that garnered immediate sympathy from a global audience. While the Indian media’s response to the tragedy was the subject of much criticism, the political lessons of Mumbai can be found in India’s vast multiculturalism, the technocratic response of Manmohan Singh, and the unique needs of its enormous and diverse electorate. The Israeli election of 1996 serves as an example of how the coverage of terrorism and tragedy can contribute to panic and overshadow all discussion of peace and economic growth.

Media, politicians, and social platforms will all have to adapt to new challenges in the years ahead. Platforms like Facebook and Twitter which, in the hands of victims and perpetrators of terrorism, can bypass traditional media, will continue to face scrutiny over the accuracy, neutrality, and intent of users. One issue currently being tackled by online platforms is how to combat online hate speech. In May, Facebook along with Twitter, YouTube, and Microsoft reached an agreement with the European Union to take down offensive speech within twenty-four hours. The networks must now all work to introduce successful anti-terror or counter-terror measures.

Politicians and journalists will continue to have their decisions tested by how they respond to terrorism and will have to encourage discussion of how terrorism can manipulate the political process. The first priority of governments and the media should be to protect the traditions and objectives of democracy while informing the public.

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